Her article shows that the administrative organization became more complex after , but that during the reign of Murad I especially, the gazi mentality seemed to have become more widespread among the common people and soldiers than in the emerging bureaucracy, which was more interested in expanding the governing apparatus and developing the states direct control over its lands and revenues.
The bureaucratic apparatus began to produce a growing number of documents, which form the main basis of historical studies. But, as was the case in medieval West European courts, a large number of administrative documents were also forged in the Ottoman Empire. The article by Hans Georg Majer deals with this issue and makes it clear that many of the written sources produced during the reigns of Osman ca. But when forged historical sources are used carefully they do not provide less information than real documents.
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For research on the early Ottoman state, our knowledge depends primarily on administrative sources as well as on chronicles, most of which follow the Byzantine style of chronicle writing, describing the rulers with stereotypes such as law-abiding or unselfish. Irne Beldiceanu-Steinherrs article looks at the ruler as a human being whos decisions are not solely influenced by the criteria of law or belief.
After an interregnum following the military catastrophe of Ankara, the Ottomans continued to expand their power over Anatolia and the Balkans. In Mehmed II conquered Constantinople, which became the capital of the new early modern great power. After the conquest Istanbul became a melting pot where different ecumenical. Imber, The Crusade of Varna, , Aldershot provides many examples. The city attracted people from the Mediterranean, Western Europe and other regions, whilst the number of inhabitants rose to several hundred thousand after The people arriving belonged to various ecumenical communities that gained a foothold in Istanbul shortly after the conquest.
Among them there were Jews coming mainly from Spain. Their social and political position in early Istanbul is well known. She raises the question of how the social structure of the living is reflected through the cemetery, and how the living used the cemetery as an additional arena in which they construct their own world. The background of many families mentioned in her article and their professional activities demonstrate that the Jewish community was a cross-border ecumenical community of its own, which was closely connected with different early modern states.
Apart from the Jews, who had lost their dominant role in Ottoman foreign trade after , the French nation represented another ecumenical community in Istanbul. But the authenticity of this document has been subject to discussion and Gilles Veinstein puts forward further arguments underlining the scepticism of other historians. Markus Koller deals with the fur trade between Russia and Istanbul, carried out by Ottoman merchants who travelled to Moscow to buy these luxury goods.
They had the opportunity to stay in this city for some years in a kervansaray reserved for the merchants of the Sublime Porte. Fur was also brought to Istanbul via the Crimea or by the Polish caravan passing through Lwow on its way to the Bosphorus. This caravan had always been led by an Armenian bearing the title of a kervanba. The Armenians formed an important ecumenical community by building up a network linking New Djulfa to India and Tibet, M.
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The Formative Years, , Leiden It was the private sector consisting of merchants that brought the bulk of goods to Istanbul, since according to Ottoman principles the states role in the economy was one of indirect rather than direct involvement. The government interfered when it anticipated a danger of shortages requiring a number of preemptive measures.
Indirect state involvement also enforced the official fixed prices narh in Istanbul, whose function in the nineteenth century is analyzed by Mehmet Ali Beyhan. Economic Cross-border Ecumenical Communities in the Provinces of the Empire In Early Modern Europe cross-border ecumenical communities were often perceived by state authorities as monolitic entities. Venetian documents spoke of Turkish merchants who came to Venice and stayed there in the Fondaco dei Turchi situated in the very heart of the city. Habsburg sources referred to traders from the Slavic regions in the Ottoman Balkans as Raitzen, without being interested in their regional or ethnic origin.
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However, economic cross-border ecumenical communities were heterogeneous entities whose individual members acted and interacted according to their own interests using the networks of their own and other communities. By way of example, Venetian merchants could fall back on a network of consuls. Cross-border trade within the one world has been the subject of extensive historical research. We are well informed about the trading networks of Indian,32 Russian33 or Venetian34 merchants in the early modern period.
Studies on inter-regional trade are based on a variety of historical sources including account-books, which are also available for Ottoman history. Gza Dvid analyzes the account-book of Becskerek and Becse originating from the sixteenth century. It includes the customs duties and treasury incomes in the vilayet of Temesvr. But this kind of source material offers hardly any detail about individual merchants belonging to the cross-border trade communities.
Neriman Ersoy-Hacsaliholu introduces a family of Bulgarian traders by. Bushkovitch, The Merchants of Moscow , Cambridge They made their livelihood by buying and selling textiles in the nineteenth century. This family belonged to the community of rich Bulgarian traders who shared the market with Greeks and Ragusans.
The Gmgerdans established good relations with the Ottoman administration and, with the support of the authorities, started manufacturing and later managed to improve their status in provincial society. Together with Greeks, Jews and agents of the French nation in Istanbul as well as merchants from Bulgarian cities, they were engaged in the close commercial relations established between the Ottoman Empire and France after the Crimean War.
Stoyanka Kenderovas article shows that a large number of goods produced in the Bulgarian territories were also exhibited at the world exhibition in Paris In the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries new players began to appear in the markets of the one world. Foreign companies produced consumer goods, which flooded the Ottoman market. These modern and post-modern types of ecumenical communities built up a new style of cross-border economic networks.
Yavuz Kse asks about the perception of the companies by Ottoman customers and is interested in the way goods were marketed and distributed. Donald Quataert focuses in his contribution on a company in the coal-mining area of Zonguldak in the early twentieth century. The entrepreneur in question was an Ottoman Greek who established good relations with the authorities and the influential German ambassador.
Donald Quataert points out that the richness of entrepreneurial activities in the last stage of the Ottoman Empire reveals a dynamic and kinetic society. Social and Religious Ecumenical Communities in the Ottoman Periphery However, the one world was more than an economic market where goods were transported from one place to another. It was also a multiregional market for information in which merchants and traders acted as mediators between different cultures and provided the people with knowledge about remote regions.
Another important source of information were travellers and pilgrims who formed other kinds of crossborder communities. Christian pilgrims visited the places traditionally associated with the life of Jesus Christ and his mother Mary. Muslims went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, which was under Ottoman rule until The Hadj was not only a religious obligation to Muslims, who were supposed to visit the Holy Places of Islam once during their lives.
The legitimization of sultanic rule also depended on the ability of the Ottoman ruler to protect the caravans of pilgrims on their way into the Hijaz and to erect or restore religious buildings in Mecca and Medina. The Hadj of the Japanese Muslims took place through informal transnational networks of Muslim communities in China, India, or South East Asia, and even Russia, across many different countries. Informal cross-border networks were also formed by travellers leaving their home countries.
Their reports must be approached carefully since their authors were also influenced by the contemporary cultural circumstances in their own countries.
This becomes evident when historians work with the travelogue seyahatname of Evliya elebi, the most famous seventeenth-century Ottoman traveller. The author argues that Evliya elebi seemed to have been familiar with the texts of Ottoman historical writers, and that errors in his travelogue might have been caused by the oral tradition. When he was a young man he could have heard the stories of his father and other persons who had taken part in that campaign. Political ideas determined the report of the Croatian Matija Maurani who visited Bosnia in Croatian political life at the time of his journey was strongly marked by the activities of the Illyrian movement of national revival, with Ljudevit Gaj as its leader and the Maurani brothers as its fervent adherents.
The movement called for the overcoming of Croatian regional particularities and for the cultural union of all South Slavs who were considered descendants of the Illyrians, hence the movements name. Bosnia was seen as a part of that Illyrian area, and its liberation from Ottoman rule was one of Gajs main preoccupations.
Tatjana Pai-Vuki and Ekrem auevi show that Maurani did not head for that country as a mere adventurer, even though his travelogue shows that the journey was not lacking in adventure. His aim was to inquire into the state of that part of our Illyria, to estimate what could be done for the national cause, and to evaluate.
Faroqhi, Herrscher ber Mekka. Die Geschichte der Pilgerfahrt, Munich Other types of cross-border communities were established by Muslim and non-Muslim religious groups. After the foundation of the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide apostolic vicars came to the Ottoman Balkans and wrote reports to Rome about the situation of the Catholic Church and its flock in these areas. Monks from the Hilandar monastery on Mount Athos and from other monasteries in the Slavic regions of the Balkans went to Russia and other countries to get support.
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Information about the functioning of religious communities can be found in Ego-Documents. Zachariadou provides insight into the structures of the Greek Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century by focusing on the lower clery. She bases her research partly on the memoirs of a priest, Papa-Synadinos, who lived in Serres during the first half of the seventeenth century.
This text is fairly unique in its genre and composed in the first-person singular, constituting a rich source of information on the everyday life of a parish priest in a sizeable Macedonian town and offering a clear picture of the clergy in general at that time.
In the seventeenth century, mosque preachers created another religious network in Istanbul. They were disciples of Mehmed Birgevi, Ustuvani and Kadzade, becoming known as kadzadeler. The chronicle mecmua of Mula Mustafa evki Baeskija introduced by Kerima Filan, shows that this group had a strong position in Sarajevo in the eighteenth century. Some of the kadzadeler came from Amasya and seemed to have been integrated into a well-established interregional community.
After the final Ottoman conquest of Bosnia a process of urbanism accelerated the islamization of the area, because cities developed into centers of Muslim cultural life. In most regions of the Ottoman Balkans, islamization reached its peak in the seventeenth and early eighteenth S. Daja, Konfessionalitt und Nationalitt Bosniens und der Herzegowina.
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Voremanzipatorische Phase , Munich Mosques, pious foundations or medreses changed the townscapes in Bosnia and Hercegovina and, as the article by Machiel Kiel about the history of Konjic shows, gave them a characteristic feature which is still visible. The process of transformation after Ottoman conquest is the topic of the contribution by Vera Costantini, who emphasizes that, together with the language of the administration, urban culture was perhaps the sector that saw the greatest changes.
In contrast to villages, which maintained their layouts, albeit experiencing a serious demographic crisis due to the recent conflict and the plague epidemics that followed, the cities of Nicosia and Famagosta underwent some fundamental changes, such as the banishment of all Christians from within the city walls. The MeditarraneanEcumenical Communities between Political Powers The Ottoman Balkans formed part of the early modern Mediterranean world where economic, religious and social ecumenical communities overlapped and interacted in a great variety of ways.
Networks of merchants who were engaged in the maritime trade linked the Maghreb with Marseille or connected Egypt with the Dalmatian coastal cities. However, the interaction of the cross-border trade communities did not take place without disputes between individual members of such networks.